For over 25 years now The Workers Party have consistently called for an end to all campaigns of violence. Our constant demand has been for peace, democratic institutions of government to which all the citizens of Northern Ireland could give their allegiance and a comprehensive Bill of Rights. Such a Bill of Rights would not only guarantee basic civil and political liberties but would underpin any future devolved administration and act as the guarantor of such an administrations acceptability within a new Northern Ireland. In addition we called for a comprehensive programme of social and economic reconstruction as an indispensable element of any peace agreement. Such a programme targeted at areas of most need to be complimented by an all out assault on sectarianism and its manifestations. Strategies to unite our people not drive them further apart.
We believe that at this critical time it is imperative to restate these basic principles as being essential to any lasting peace settlement. That is all the more so given the events of the past week which have once again raised doubts and fuelled suspicions about the real intentions of the Provisionals. Those actions ( An Phoblacht interview and Markethill bomb ) have made political progress and the commencement of Multi – Party Talks difficult though not impossible. It is our belief that in spite of many remaining difficulties and important matters of detail still to be resolved, that substantial and meaningful progress through the talks process is possible. We firmly believe that all those parties eligible to attend the Stormont Talks should do so and engage fully in the process.
This is the clear demand of the overwhelming majority of people North and South. We accept that much mistrust and suspicion is a barrier to this happening immediately. Notwithstanding the wish to see Talks take place involving All Parties, including those previously engaged in violence, many people throughout Northern Ireland and beyond remain to be convinced that violence really is over for good. We understand those concerns and recognise that they must be addressed. The commitment to exclusively peaceful and democratic means must be clearly established as detailed in The Mitchell Report. A recognition that compromise on all sides is necessary if Talks are to be successful. A willingness to explore new, fresh, innovative structures of government which reflect the wishes and aspirations of all the citizens of Northern Ireland is imperative. But peoples commitment to these basic democratic principles can only be ultimately tested in the Talks process. It is time to do so. That is what the vast majority of people on these islands want to see happening. The Workers Party share this demand of the people. Such a demand does not deny the enormous difficulties which lie ahead. Success in the Talks is neither guaranteed nor automatic. Nor does such a demand for Talks and political progress demand the abandonment of legitimately held political beliefs by any participant, only the acceptance by all participants of the Mitchell principles in their totality.
Therefore The Workers Party are cautiously optimistic that agreement is possible and that the potential exists to deliver the Peace which the people of Northern Ireland so badly deserve. We wish to make some comments on the matters to be addressed in the talks process and to raise other matters which as of yet have not received the public attention and political priority they require.
PRINCIPLE OF CONSENT IS CENTRAL
For many years now The Workers Party have accepted that no constitutional change in the status of Northern Ireland was possible without the consent of the majority of people in Northern Ireland. Whilst it is the goal of The Workers Party to establish a 32 County Democratic, Secular, Socialist Republic – a Unitary State, we have long ago accepted that this could not be achieved without the agreement of the people of Northern Ireland. It could not be achieved either through an armed campaign of violence to bring this about nor by political coercion or subterfuge. Only when the people of both states in Ireland demanded it could it be possible. Furthermore any armed campaign would simply heighten sectarian division and terrorism within Northern Ireland, be opposed by the vast majority of people in the South and thus make the prospects of a unitary state less, not more likely. In addition we rejected the notion that unionists in Northern Ireland were mere, “dupes of British Imperialism” and long ago recognised the importance of seeking agreement with the unionist people. For the problem to be seriously tackled it would require a deeper understanding than that represented by the “Brits Out” mentality.
We welcome therefore the commitments given by the British and Irish Governments that consent will be a guiding principle not just as to the outcome of talks but also throughout the conduct and proceedings of the talks.
We note the widespread acceptance by all the major parties in Dรกil Eireann of The Downing Street Agreement and The Frameworks Documents as the analytical framework within which the talks would take place. That the talks are structured on the three stranded approach is a public statement of this which we welcome.
At the same time as unionists may find reassurances in the principle of consent with regard to the constitutional status of Northern Ireland it also presents challenges to them. For it does not mean a simple acceptance of the status quo. There is almost a universal acceptance we believe, including among the vast majority of unionist people, that there can be no return to a pre 1969 style of government in Northern Ireland. Whilst it is true that for the foreseeable future Northern Ireland is likely to remain a part of the UK that does not mean that any agreement arrived at now is not open to change at some point in the future. Furthermore a new system of government within Northern Ireland will only succeed if it wins broad acceptance throughout the community.
Equally it is folly of some nationalists to deliberately exaggerate the extent to which constitutional change is possible. By doing so they raise false and unrealistic expectations of what may emerge from the Talks Process.
Whilst the detail and structure of new internal political arrangements for Northern Ireland properly remain a matter for negotiation within the Talks, there should be no fudge or ambiguity as to the nature and manner of any costitutional change. The consent of the people of Northern Ireland to any agreement arrived at by the parties to the talks ( by way of referendum) is critical if the process is to retain credibility and the confidence of all those involved in the talks.
DEVOLVED GOVERNMENT – A PRIORITY
The Workers Party reiterate our long standing call for the establishment of a democratic devolved system of Government for Northern Ireland. We do so simply because we believe it is in the best political, social and economic interests of our people. The system of Direct rule by Westminster has been a disaster for all the people of Northern Ireland. It has not only diminished political and democratic accountability but hindered the economic regeneration of Northern Ireland also. A devolved administration with powers to shape, develop and administer the running of economic development, health, education and other major ministries is a priority. Given the historical experience of the Stormont years it is vital that any new administration enjoys the trust and confidence of the vast majority of the people of Northern Ireland. The Workers Party are confident that this is achievable. By virtue of developments and changes since 1972 it is neither possible nor desirable to return to a pre 1969 Stormont era. That this is so is due in no small way to the success of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association which in its work has led to the basis for a modern, democratised and reformed system of government within Northern Ireland.
A fitting consolidation of NICRA”s success would be the codification of existing anti-discrimination legislation ( and further expansion where necessary ) into a single Bill of Rights for Northern Ireland.A Bill of Rights will form the cornerstone of democracy as the guarantor of the civil liberties of all citizens and of the political parties, groups and individuals prepared to work through the democratic process. Such a Bill must contain fundamental principles which would constitute a political statement about the nature of any form of institution established in Northern Ireland.
CROSS BORDER CO – OPERATION / LINKS
The Workers Party support the development of meaningful and mutually beneficial links between both parts of this island. We do so for a number of reasons. There are many benefits to be gained by closer economic planning, co-ordination, integration and co-operation. These can be achieved without diminishing the sovereignty of either part of the island. In fact, the globalisation of the world economy, continuing moves towards closer European Integration and the change in relationships between Northern Ireland and Westminster, are realities which no-one in Northern Ireland nationalist or unionist can afford to ignore. Many of the old arguments about sovereignty are diminished and invalidated by the new European Tier of Authority.
Equally we support the building of closer social links. Indeed many in the community and voluntary sectors, churches and sporting bodies are already well ahead in this respect and have done so without any prejudice to political beliefs or sense of national identity. So too is there nothing to fear in agreed political structures on a North – South basis. In this respect the commitment given by the Irish Government to introduce changes to the Irish constitution which reflect a new political agreement ought to be a reassurance for those who fear such linkages.
THE TALKS PROCESS – A NEW VISION FOR THE FUTURE ?
The Workers Party believe that the Talks Process should be about more than the accommodation of nationalism and unionism. Constitutional issues and political structures are vital matters and of course are fundamental to any agreement, However on the talks agenda alongside these matters must be others which reflect the desire and ambition to create a New Northern Ireland, a vision of what a new society might look like. We must not settle for a political draw between unionism and nationalism. This demands that social and economic matters as well as consideration of strategies and proposals designed to overcome the legacy of the past 25 / 30 years are given as much a priority in the discussions as constitutional matters. The ending of violence will of course be welcomed by the vast majority of the people of Northern Ireland. Making peace lasting by underpinning it with political stability and agreement will of course be a major improvement in the lives of all of the people.
But the quality of life and the extent to which peoples material existance changes will also be a crucial test of how far we are going down the road of a new beginning.
Social and economic deprivation , poverty , unemployment, crime drugs, all things common to all modern societies have undoubtedly been made worse by the violence of the past 25 / 30 years. In addition they have been concentrated in particular in working class communities which have carried the brunt of the suffering. Sectarianism, polarisation in the community, mistrust and suspicion will be around for some considerable time after a political agreement is reached. Peace, stability and progress will not result exclusively from an end to violence. Unless considerable attention is given to a social and economic dimension to the desired political agreement then it will be a shallow peace for many in Northern Ireland.
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC RECONSTRUCTION
The tackling of unemployment and associated deprivation requires the creation of an Economic Plan for Northern Ireland. The objective of such a plan must be the creation of the thousands of jobs needed to eliminate unemployment. A single body charged with the Social and Economic Reconstruction of Northern Ireland must be established to achieve this. It should comprise members of Government, employers organisations, trades unions, academics, political parties and the community and voluntary sectors. Among its functions should be :
– The planning and delivery of a comprehensive economic development plan for Northern Ireland.
– The administering and allocation of any Peace Dividend.
– In its structures it must adopt the best practice and experience of the European Special Support programme to ensure the fullest participation and involvement of the people of Northern Ireland.
– It must target the areas of most need, ensuring that resources are directed where they will have most benefit.
– Any job creation programme must have as its central aim the issue of long term unemployment. Unless this is done in a serious way no inroads will be made in reducing inequality in our society.
– A complete overhaul of the education system in Northern Ireland to ensure that we root out the rampant discrimination and inequality that exists.
– A greater committment by Government to ensure the implementation of their declared policies of Policy Appraisal and Fair Treatment ( PAFT ) and Targeting Social Needs ( TSN ).
ANTI – SECTARIAN MEASURES
Time after time The Workers Party have identified the corrosive and pernicious influences of sectarianism in our society. Sadly over the years sectarian division, sectarian practices and attitudes have gained a deep foothold in almost all aspects of life here. Divided school children, different housing areas, the Berlin walls in Belfast have created an apartheid type existence. Indeed the acceptance of two distinct communities is the ultimate expression of separate development in Northern Ireland. We do not deny or minimise the reality of the historical differences between unionism and nationalism. But we do pose the question, are we saying that as a modern society on the edge of western Europe, approaching a new millennium, that historical political differences dictate that we legitimise such division? Unless we believe that a Bosnia style territorial carve up is desirable then we must confront division and seek ways of bringing our people together rather than driving them apart. No attempt at creating a new beginning can ignore the reality of sectarianism and its destructive effects. The bitterness, and legacy will remain as a poison in the future unless it forms a central part of any solution, therefore we suggest that there be major initiatives and processes to eradicate sectarianism in a new society. We specifically suggest the drawing together of all those currently engaged in anti – sectarian work in a single forum to achieve this.
LET ALL VOICES BE HEARD
The search for political agreement and a new way forward belongs to all the people of Northern Ireland not just the political parties. The primary responsibility of course rests with those parties mandated by the electorate to do so. But there are others in society who have a legitimate and valuable contribution to make in the process. The talks structure at the moment precludes them from doing so.
At one point it had been hoped that the Northern Ireland Forum could provide such an opportunity. It clearly has proved incapable of so doing. The Trade Union Movement, the churches, employers organisations, community and voluntary sector, youth and women’s organisations and indeed individuals have all over the years made significant contributions to public life in Northern Ireland. Indeed their role has s been made all the greater exactly because of the absence of political structures here. An opportunity must be created to allow this vital constituency to be heard in the construction of a new society. A sense of ownership and participation in the Peace Process by the widest range of interests would be important in establishing confidence among the wider community and copperfastening the search for agreement. The two governments should give consideration to the convening of a conference of such people early in the new year.